Sunlit brick street framed by a steel ring engraved Demand Remigration.

The record, not a rumor

Demand remigration.Start with the count.

Muslim immigration is not a neutral headcount. The suspect tables, the boats, and the religious-law polls name the pattern.

01 — Opening

Remigration, on this page, means the lawful return of non-citizens who have no permanent right to remain: illegal entry, visa overstay, failed asylum, and criminal non-citizens after sentence. It is not a warrant against a person born a citizen. It is not a call to hurt anyone.

The reason the record is aimed at Muslim immigration, and not at immigration as a blur, is empirical. In Germany and Sweden the overrepresentation is measured. On the English Channel the arrivals are counted, and the nationalities rotate through Muslim-majority states. In those sending societies, majorities have told Pew they want religious law to outrank civil law. Japanese and Chinese nationals do not produce this picture. High-income work migrants do not produce it either.

Germany, police crime statistics, 2025

Non-German nationals were 35.5 percent of crime suspects. They were about 14.9 percent of the population.

The Bundeskriminalamt’s Polizeiliche Kriminalstatistik 2025 rounds the non-German suspect share to 35.5 percent (page 46). The table total behind that rounding, offense key 890000 excluding immigration-law offenses, is 677,951 non-German suspects out of 1,908,383 — 35.52 percent — against about 14.89 percent of the population at the end of 2025. These are suspects, not convictions. Dual nationals are counted as German, so foreign origin is understated, not inflated.

Four objections. None of them erase the multiple.

Every serious reading of these tables starts with the caveats. The caveats are real. They are not a solvent.

Age, poverty, and the postcode

The objection

Control for age, sex, income, and place, and the foreign-born gap in Sweden disappears.

The count

It shrinks. It does not disappear. Brå report 2021:9, on suspicions from 2015 to 2018, puts the foreign-born at about 2.51 times the Swedish-born rate raw, about 2.25 after age and sex, and about 1.76 after income, education, and municipality. Swedish-born people with two foreign-born parents run 3.21, then 1.96, then 1.68. A gap that survives the controls is the finding.

Only the recent illegal arrivals

The objection

The German figures are an artifact of asylum shelters and immigration offenses.

The count

Immigration-law offenses are already out of the 35.52 percent. And the temporary-migrant slice is not the whole non-German share. Deutsche Welle’s account of the 2024 statistics: 8.8 percent of suspects were temporary migrants — asylum, illegal residence, or other temporary status — while 35.4 percent of suspects were non-German citizens. Most of the non-German share is the broader non-citizen population, not the newest prohibited arrival. People with no right to remain are still the part the law can return.

Nationality is not Islam

The objection

A passport column is being laundered into a religious indictment.

The count

Nationality is not a religion census, and this page will not pretend it is. The inference is narrower. The origin regions that dominate the elevated shares, and most of the small-boat nationalities, are Muslim-majority societies, and those societies poll for religious law. Albania is the stated exception in the British boat rotation. Japanese and Chinese nationals in Germany do not match the crime pattern. “Foreign” is the wrong noun.

Suspects are not convictions

The objection

Until a court speaks, a suspect table is rumor.

The count

A suspect is not a convict. Say so every time the number is used. Then say the rest. Among residents, the 2025 German suspect rate per 100,000 was 1,813.14 for Germans and 4,788.12 for non-Germans — about 2.6 times. That is a police-recording fact about who enters the crime statistic. It is not a conviction rate. It is also not nothing.

Germany, 2025. Non-German share of suspects.

Offense key totals from the federal police tables, excluding immigration-law offenses. The population benchmark is about 14.9 percent. Nothing in this grid is a conviction rate.

All recorded offenses

Non-German share of suspects

35.52% — 677,951 of 1,908,383. The BKA report rounds this to 35.5%.

What the figure is not

Not a conviction rate. Not a religion census. Dual nationals are inside the German count.

Murder

Non-German share of suspects

42.72% of suspects.

What the figure is not

Still suspects. More than double the population share. Not a sentence.

Manslaughter

Non-German share of suspects

48.65% of suspects.

What the figure is not

The highest share on this list. Same limit: police suspects, not court verdicts.

Robbery

Non-German share of suspects

48.64% of suspects.

What the figure is not

A street-crime share, not an immigration-offense share. Those were excluded.

Rape and serious sexual assault

Non-German share of suspects

38.46% of suspects.

What the figure is not

Above the population share. Not a claim that 38% of non-Germans offend.

Dangerous and serious bodily harm

Non-German share of suspects

42.63% of suspects.

What the figure is not

The volume offense. The multiple is not confined to rare headlines.

Offense	Non-German share of suspects	What the figure is not
All recorded offenses	35.52% — 677,951 of 1,908,383. The BKA report rounds this to 35.5%.	Not a conviction rate. Not a religion census. Dual nationals are inside the German count.
Murder	42.72% of suspects.	Still suspects. More than double the population share. Not a sentence.
Manslaughter	48.65% of suspects.	The highest share on this list. Same limit: police suspects, not court verdicts.
Robbery	48.64% of suspects.	A street-crime share, not an immigration-offense share. Those were excluded.
Rape and serious sexual assault	38.46% of suspects.	Above the population share. Not a claim that 38% of non-Germans offend.
Dangerous and serious bodily harm	42.63% of suspects.	The volume offense. The multiple is not confined to rare headlines.

Sweden and the Channel

The same shape, two other public ledgers.

Sweden’s National Council for Crime Prevention does not publish a Muslim census of offenders, and this page will not invent one. What Brå 2021:9 does publish is overrepresentation of the foreign-born in registered suspicions, and a second generation that stays elevated after the controls above. By region of birth the foreign-born are not one bloc: shares of suspicions run from about 3 percent to about 19 percent (page 53). Brå 2025:7 then splits the migrant stream the useful way. People from high-income countries, and people admitted to work or study, are at or under the Swedish-born rate. People from low-income and conflict-origin countries are higher.

On the offenses that dominate the politics, Sverigefakta’s reading of Brå 2021:9 figure 13b — age and sex adjusted, not the fully controlled model — puts foreign-born overrepresentation at about 3.6 times for lethal violence, 2.9 times for rape, and 3.5 times for robbery. The overall gap shrinks when income, education, and municipality are added. The offense multiples above are the age-and-sex figures. Use them at that strength and no further.

Britain’s small boats are a headcount, not a crime table. The House of Commons Library, for the year ending June 2026, records about 33,000 arrivals, about 72 percent of them adult men, accounting for about 88 percent of detected unauthorised arrivals. About 205,000 people have arrived this way since 2018. The peak was about 46,000 in 2022. 2025 was about 41,000. Nationalities rotate: Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Eritrea, Sudan, Iraq, Albania. Five of those seven are Muslim-majority states. Albania is not. Eritrea is religiously mixed. Do not write “all of them.”

One English city already ran the experiment of refusing to describe a pattern. The Alexis Jay inquiry, published in 2014, found at least 1,400 children sexually exploited in Rotherham between 1997 and 2013. Officials looked away in part because they were afraid of being accused of racism. That is not a German suspect table. It is a warning about what a taboo costs.

Why the noun is Muslim immigration.

A pause aimed at “everyone foreign” would be a lie about the tables. Brå’s own later report says work migrants and migrants from rich countries are not the problem group. The German pattern is not the Japanese or Chinese pattern. The noun has to survive contact with those facts.

It does, if the noun is specific. The overrepresented origin regions, and the small-boat nationalities other than Albania, are overwhelmingly Muslim-majority. Pew asked those societies about the law they want, and the answers are not a Western separation of mosque and statute.

Keep the two Pew questions apart. In The World’s Muslims (2013), 99 percent of Afghan respondents and 84 percent of Pakistani respondents said they favored sharia as the official law of the land. That is a 2013 question about official religious law. It is not the 2025 question.

On January 28, 2025, Pew reported a different item: in Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Malaysia, adults more often say that when the Quran and the will of the people conflict, the Quran should weigh more. In Bangladesh that share was 77 percent. Do not add 99 to 77. Do not pretend the wording is the same. Do read both as evidence that large majorities in these societies want scripture to outrank the electorate.

Private belief is not the cargo. The polity is.

A person may pray, fast, and keep a private table. That is not what an admissions policy imports. It imports the law the majority of the sending society says it wants, and it imports the offending pattern the receiving country’s own statistics already measure.

Asylum is temporary protection. It is not a population transfer and it does not ripen into a right to remain when the claim fails. The United States does not need a made-up border number to know this. Deportability of non-citizens is already 8 U.S.C. § 1227. Citizenship obtained by fraud can already be undone under 8 U.S.C. § 1451. Belief is not fraud. A lie on the application is.

The sister page, demandingremigration.com, turns the record into a statute: who leaves, whose visa is paused, and who is not touched. nozabiha.com and nozabihahalal.com are the food-jurisdiction half of the same refusal. islamophobe.me is the legal system. industrialterrorism.com is the other record.

Continue to demandingremigration.com

The line in the sand

Muslim immigration from societies that want religious law over civil law is not compatible with the West, and the suspect tables are why the argument is no longer theoretical.

It will not become compatible by changing the noun to “diversity,” or by calling a 2.6× suspect rate a misunderstanding. The controls have been run. The boats have been counted. The polls have been published.

Citizens are not the target. A faith practiced in private is not the target. The target is the continued import of a population whose origin societies reject equal civil law, into countries that already record the cost in their police statistics.

This page does not call for a riot, a vigilante, or a harm. It calls for the number to be said in public, with the caveats attached and the caveats not used as a gag.

What to do with a count.

Read the count first

A suspect share is not a conviction, and a nationality is not a mosque roll. Say both limits out loud, then look at the multiple. The multiple is still there.

Name the origin, not “foreign”

Japanese and Chinese nationals in Germany do not match this pattern. High-income and work migrants in Sweden do not match it either. The elevated shares track particular origin regions, most of them Muslim-majority.

Separate the boat from the passport

Small-boat arrivals are not a single faith. Albania is in the rotation and Albania is not Muslim-majority. Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Iraq, and Sudan are. Do not flatten the list, and do not pretend the list is random.

Hand the record to the statute

This page is the count. The demand — who leaves, who never gets the visa, who is not touched — is the sister site. A count without a lawful next step is just a mood.

Remigration does not rage. It counts.

The statute that follows from the count is on demandingremigration.com.

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